Inside the fight to clean up Washington

By Michael Jones

A growing number of younger Americans aren’t just running for Congress to pass bills—they’re running to rebuild trust in the institution itself. If you ask them, Washington isn’t broken by accident. It’s been rigged over time: too cozy with corporate power, too permissive of insider privilege, and too detached from the people it’s supposed to serve. Their argument is clear: the solution isn’t just generational change—it’s structural reform.

That urgency was on full display last week among current members, when House Assistant Minority Leader Joe Neguse (D-Colo.) led a coalition of reform-minded Democrats to unveil the End Corruption Now agenda—a sweeping seven-bill package aimed at restoring public trust by tackling the kind of self-dealing and conflicts of interest that have long fueled cynicism toward Washington. The proposals target both Congress and the executive branch, including a ban on stock trading by lawmakers, stricter rules for former officials-turned-lobbyists, and new guardrails to prevent presidential profiteering.

The rollout comes as Democrats work to sharpen their national message heading into 2026, focused on lowering costs for working families while resisting the sprawling Republican reconciliation package currently under consideration in the Senate.

But several members told me these fights are intertwined. They argue that corruption is central to restoring economic fairness and essential to making government work for the people it represents.

“The corruption that we’ve seen—that’s endemic in Washington and that the Trump administration has unleashed here in our nation’s capital—is something that I think the American people want to see us tackle,” said Neguse, whose proposal would create a lifetime ban on members of Congress becoming lobbyists. “That’s ultimately the impetus for so much of the legislation.”

Rep. Angie Craig (D-Minn.), who introduced a bill to prohibit lawmakers from serving on corporate boards, said most Americans don’t believe Washington works for them—and that gives elected officials a clear opportunity to act.

“If we really want to take on the status quo, yes, we have to stop the conflicts of interest. And then we have to pivot immediately to taking on the big corporations that are jacking up prices for the American people,” she told me. “These two things are so related. Because if you’re not here to serve your constituents, you’re not willing to take on the companies hurting them. And that’s what’s consistent across this group.”

Emilia Sykes (D-Ohio), whose proposal would clarify the definition of an “official act” in the federal bribery statute, said fighting corruption is also about defending taxpayers, especially those who can least afford to pay for official misconduct.

The agenda also includes a proposal from Rep. Chris Deluzio (D-Pa.) to prohibit any public- or private-sector CEO convicted of covered financial crimes from serving in the executive branch, a measure backed by Rep. Hillary Scholten (D-Mich.) to strengthen checks and balances by installing new oversight measures for the White House and its top offices, and provisions to protect independent watchdogs from political retaliation.

Rep. Pat Ryan (D-N.Y.)’s proposal—the Stop MUSK Act, named after Trump ally-turned-critic Elon Musk—would require certain executive branch employees to recuse themselves from any matters affecting the financial interests of their former employers for four years.

Perhaps the most popular reform is Rep. Seth Magaziner’s bill to ban members of Congress, their spouses, and dependent children from trading individual stocks by requiring them to divest or place their holdings in a qualified blind trust for their tenure in Congress. Trump’s trade war has sharpened concerns that lawmakers could exploit insider knowledge of shifting tariffs and economic policy for personal financial gain.

Corruption manifests differently across the branches of government but carries a common effect: Eroding public trust. In Congress, it often takes the form of insider stock trading, revolving-door lobbying, and campaign finance loopholes that give special interests outsized influence. In the executive branch, corruption can include self-enrichment, politicization of federal agencies, and the abuse of emergency or regulatory powers for personal or political gain. In the judiciary—especially the Supreme Court—it appears in ethics scandals involving undisclosed gifts, conflicts of interest, and the absence of enforceable accountability mechanisms. While the specifics vary, the cumulative effect is a governing system that increasingly serves the powerful over the public.

The media plays a critical role in exposing corruption and holding power to account. Investigative reporting has uncovered everything from backroom deals and embezzlement to foreign influence and abuse of office. Journalists help enforce political and legal accountability by bringing hidden misconduct to light.

Neguse called the media “perhaps the greatest accountability mechanism” in American history for exposing corruption, but warned that the decline of local journalism—especially the shuttering of regional newspapers—has weakened that function, allowing misconduct to go unchecked in parts of the country where watchdog resources have dried up.

He also cautioned that the sheer volume and brazenness of corruption under the current administration risks desensitizing the public. “They are, in effect, normalizing it over time,” he said, underscoring the need not only for legislative action but for media vigilance in spotlighting both abuses of power and the solutions lawmakers are advancing in response.

Yet the media’s influence cuts both ways. Sensationalism, scandal-centric coverage, and false equivalence can feed public cynicism and erode trust in institutions, even when most officials act ethically. For the press to remain an effective watchdog, it must balance urgency with depth, provide context alongside exposure, and uphold rigorous standards that earn and sustain the public’s confidence.

Recent polling shows overwhelming bipartisan support for anti-corruption reforms across all branches of government.

A 2025 American Bar Association poll found that 90% of Americans support a binding ethics code for the Supreme Court. Multiple surveys show that 80–90% of voters favor banning members of Congress from trading individual stocks—an issue that has gained traction following endorsements from both party leaders and President Trump. Broad majorities also support tighter restrictions on lobbying, stricter campaign finance laws, and greater transparency in executive actions.

Still, strong polling doesn’t guarantee swift action. Previous reform efforts have stalled, which raises the question: What makes this moment different? 

Neguse pointed to two factors that make this moment unique.

For starters, Democrats believe Trump is even more corrupt in his second term than in his first.

Since being sworn in for a second term, the president and his family have faced a steady stream of corruption allegations at the heart of government integrity. Trump dismantled key Justice Department anti-corruption units, curtailed the Public Integrity Section, and revoked enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act—effectively sidelining watchdogs and enabling political interference in prosecutions. He has retained control over businesses like Truth Social and crypto ventures—including $TRUMP and $MELANIA “meme coins”—accepting foreign-affiliated investments and selling access to himself via pay-to-play token schemes.

Rep. Neguse also pointed to the evolving composition of the caucus.

“There are a lot of young, new, next-generation members of Congress who are reformers, who are arriving here in Washington with a reform-minded agenda,” he said. “I think that also is changing the nature of the debate here in Washington.”

Scholten agreed and noted that many coalition members have served five terms or fewer.

“We came with a vision, a mission, and a mandate to get things done for the American people,” she said. “And as we’ve seen in the first few months of Trump in office, there is grifting like never before. At a time of unprecedented public distrust in our work, we knew that we needed to take action, and that’s what this caucus and the series of bills that accompany it [are] all about.”

While he did not say whether members are actively pursuing a discharge petition to force a vote on the bill, Rep. Magaziner made clear that it’s now up to Speaker Mike Johnson to act. “The onus is on him,” he said, noting that House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) showed “great courage” by being the first congressional leader to support a ban. (Jeffries told me he hadn’t yet reviewed the full End Corruption Now agenda but that the reforms would be a top priority if Democrats reclaim the House next fall.)

As Magaziner put it bluntly: “If any stock trading ban bill gets to the floor, it’s going to pass by an overwhelming margin. The only question is, is this going to happen under Speaker Johnson or Speaker Jeffries?”

Michael Jones is an independent Capitol Hill correspondent and contributor for COURIER. He is the author of Once Upon a Hill, a newsletter about Congressional politics.